Vice President Kashim Shettima had every reason to worry about his future on Tinubu's ticket. During his eight years as Lagos governor, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu cycled through three deputies: KofoworolaBucknor-Akerele, Femi Pedro, and AbiodunOgunleye.
Only Senate President GodswillAkpabio, during his time as AkwaIbom governor, matched that turnover record in nearly three decades. Whether Tinubu's reasons stemmed from style, chemistry, or strategic vision, he consistently reshuffled his running mates.
Shettima's predicament went beyond historical precedent. Rivals circled him from the start, hungry for the job themselves.
Some were heavyweight party figures, notably former Governor Nasir El-Rufai, who sources claim believed the position was rightful compensation for backing Tinubu when President MuhammaduBuhari hesitated over succession.
National Security Adviser NuhuRibadu, sensing danger early, moved swiftly to neutralise El-Rufai's bid. Shettima simultaneously launched his own counteroffensive against the threat.
The vice president faced far more punishing attacks from the opposition and religious critics before the 2023 election. Despite lacking constitutional grounding, opponents branded the Tinubu-Shettima pairing a Muslim-Muslim ticket designed to achieve what no Nigerian leader had attempted: Islamising the country.
Tensions escalated so dramatically that candidate Tinubu and his team repeatedly showcased his wife Oluremi's pastoral background to prove his openness to all faiths. They pointed to her Christian ministry and his even-handed religious policies as unquestionable evidence of tolerance.
It wasn't persuasive. The opposition kept pushing the narrative despite these efforts.
If Shettima imagined the storm would pass after their 2023 victory, he miscalculated badly.
Since taking office, government decisions and staffing choices have faced relentless scrutiny through ethnic and religious filters. The farmer-herder conflicts killing hundreds across Nigeria's north-central region became the focal point.
These clashes have ravaged the country for over two decades, claiming roughly 35,000 lives and devastating livelihoods across millions of households. Yet the violence predates the current administration entirely.
Detractors nonetheless weaponised fabricated tales about Shettima's alleged extremism to undercut his renomination prospects. They attempted linking him to Boko Haram's infancy when he governed Borno State, suggesting complicity through inaction as the group metastasised into a catastrophic force.
The opposition's domestic machinery found a supercharged amplifier in US President Donald Trump. Last year he threatened direct intervention in Nigeria, positioning himself as Christianity's global defender against what he characterised as genocidal persecution of Nigerian Christians.
According to multiple sources, a US lobbying organisation with Trump's confidence recommended he pressure Tinubu against selecting Shettima for a second term. The group argued that whether grounded in fact or mere perception, a Muslim-Muslim presidency could be driving indiscriminate violence against Christian communities.
Foreign pressure combined with homegrown political calculations created an unprecedented test for Shettima. The vice president had to navigate competing interests from Washington, domestic rivals, religious camps, and his own president.
